Kepler and logarithmic calculation

 

Keplers contribution to this subject is complex, as he was plagued by quite hectic circumstances, being between 1618 (when he became aware of Napiers invention) and his death in 1630:

-The witchcraft charge against his mother around 1620

-The 30 year war started in 1618

-The development of the subject by other authors (Ursinus, Briggs, Vlacq) in quick succession in a time with slow international communication.

Kepler was under pressure to complete the Rudolphine Tables, among others by his maecenas Rudolph II and the Brahe heirs. As a result he was forced into decisions, that later had to be revised in view of material newly published by other authors.

It must be said, that Kepler always has been quite open-minded in those revisions, however to understand both decisions and revisions a detailed analysis is clarifying.

 

Chilias 1624

In this table the value of sin(α) varies from 0 to 1 as α progresses from 0º to 90º. The table, newly calculated by Kepler, has those sin values as argument with a .001 interval. The logarithms given are positive however. As log1=0 thus in fact the logarithms of 1/ sin(α) are given (see also Fletcher 1945, p.179).

As Kepler mentions in a letter to Mästlin those new calculations state a value for log sin 30º of 69314.72, where Napier has 69 as the last 2 digits. The same error was rediscovered by Sang in 1865 when comparing the Napier table with that of Ursinus (which is also newly calculated).

Beschrijving: 53967Kepler evidently was quite proud of this novelty.

The frontispiece of the Tabula Rudolphinae shows on the roof 6 women impersonating the sciences, of which Arithmetica has a stick in her left hand and another one in her right hand of half lengh of the first, being the sides of a triangle relevant for the calculation of sin 30º=0.5.The correct value of log sin 30º is shown around her head. This curious detail does not fully apply to those tables however, as the logarithms included are in 5 digits and the difference thus does not show anymore.

Another novelty relates the proportions of 1 expressed in the argument column to the corresponding value in hours, minutes and seconds/24 hours (column 3) and in minutes and seconds/ degree (column 5). Those logistic values are of particular use in astronomical calculations, and the further development of this novelty in the TR must have been a major cause for the use of Keplers tables for astronomical applications until the end of the 18th century.

 

Tabulae Rudolphinae 1627

The major part of those tables is of astronomical nature, describing the motion of the sun, moon and planets, the latitude and longitude of major cities and other basic astronomical data.

The beginning 23 pages also give logarithmic values to ease the astronomical calculations using the astronomical data on the later pages.

It is important to be aware, that the TR are a kind of root-tables, enabling the calculation of annual Ephemerides, being the positions of the sun, moon and planets in terms of actual date, time and location. The statement sometimes found, that those logarithms have been used calculating the TR therefore is at least incomplete, and possibly not correct.

The largest part of the logarithm section is taken by the first table titled Heptacosias Logarithmorum Logisticorum, elaborating the concept introduced in the Chilias of directly supplying logarithms of logistic values. Those are newly computed, opting for intervals more appropriate for logistic values than the .001 interval of the Chilias.

In a separate table the logarithms of sin(α) are given at a 1’ interval (0º<α<90º) at 2 decimals less than in Napiers table. As a result Kepler could prepare this table from that of Napier, as the error discussed in the preceeding paragraph vanishes in the rounding.

Some minor specifics of the last decimals show, that Kepler actually used values rounded from Napier in this table, as is illustrated by the following values of log sin:

 

 

 

3º 45'

14º 10'

Ursinus

272718517

140754520

Napier

27271843

14075447

Kepler

272718

140754

 

Separate tables are given for the logarithms of cos and tan at ranges and intervals appropriate for use in astronomy calculations.

 

Appendix Bartschii 1629

Bartsch completed his appendix in 1629, and it is not present in most copies of the TR. The following quotes come from the more complete GW. Bartsch is more practical in advising his users on supplementary material being available in the meantime as follows:

Si vero laborem… cupit, substituere potest Ursinus (1624), uso magno, exactissime ad dena secunda descriptum, aut meos manuales, ex eodem cum ipsius venia derivatos, qui paucioribus pagellis compendiose descripti,…(If it is required to work more exactly, it can be replaced by Ursinus (1624), which is extremely useful and at a 10 second interval, or by my Tabulae Manuales , which are extracted from the work mentioned last with permission, and which in less pages describe the matter in a more condensed way,..) GW X 267.

 

Hammer states in his Nachbericht to Keplers Gesammelte Werke (X p.51*): Without any doubt Kepler would have been of great service to his users, in case he had decided to use logarithms of the Briggsian type in the TR. The issue of the Kepler Heptacosias fivefold enlarged by Jacob Bartsch in 1700 than would not have been necessary.

 

Bartsch and Hammer touch on three items here, of which the significance possibly becomes more clear, when they are dealt with seperately:

 

Briggs 1628

Possibly Hammer is right, however in practice this option has never been open to Kepler. Hammer himself states (GW X 21*) that the manuscript of the TR was largely finished in middle 1624. Briggsian logarithms of trigoniometrical functions only became available in 1628.

 

Ursinus 1624

Benjamin Ursinus assisted Kepler before 1620. His Magnus Canon became available in early 1625 (the dating of the intro paragraphs), and states the logarithms of trigoniometrical values at 3 decimals more (see above) than the TR and at a 10” internal (TR 1’). This is too late to be taken into account in the text of the TR, completed in manuscipt  in mid 1624. The Bartsch Appendix is from 1629 however and thus can mention it as very well supplementing the more concise logaritmic section in the TR.

Also Kepler has shown to be quite welcoming to the Magnus Canon. Ursinus owned a copy of the 1627 Kepler tables (the Honeyman #1800 copy. Owen Gingerich states that it was acquired by the Adler Planetarium in Chicago) warmly inscribed to him, Kepler calling him and Tycho Brahe "the scientific fathers of those tables" (my free translation of the Latin text). As Brahe (died 1601) contributed much to the underlying astronomical observations, for Ursinus this remark must refer to his log tables.

The provenance of our copy of Ursinus (1624) includes the major astronomer Franz von Zach, whose activities culminated around 1800. 175 years after publication his interest in the book can only be understood in connection with the TR.

Bartsch and Kepler could recommend the use of Ursinus (1624) because it avoids the error in the last 2 decimals of the Napier table, and even adds one other decimal.

 

Bartsch, Tabulae Manuales 1700

The significance of this title is twofold.

It summarizes Ursinus (1624) omitting the last 3 decimals, however maintaining the 10” interval, it enlarges that of the TR.

On the other hand it enlarges the Heptacosias table fivefold, the area being of special importance for astronomical calculations, because of the direct link of logistic values to its logarithms.

Maybe this is the major explanation of the continued use of the triad TR/Magnus Canon/ Tabulae Manuales for 175 years, combining the astronomical data of the TR with the most complete trigoniometrical logarithms of the Magna Canon and the smaller interval of the Heptacosias in the Manuales.

Indeed Bartsch did complete the Tabulae Manuales at the time of his writing the 1629 Appendix to TR, however the edition (Sagan, 1631) misfired, Bartsch dying short after its publication, and only 2 incomplete copies (Koenigsberg and Bonn) are known (see also Caspar 85) to survive.

In 1700 Eisenschmid (a Strassbourg mathematics professor, † 1716) corrected and republished the Bartsch tables and added a new 9-page Praefatio. Such a reissue after 69 years can only be understood as an appreciation by contemporary astronomers of the extension of the Heptacosias given.

 

Evaluation

Purely from a calculus point of view the Heptacosias in the Manuales and the logarithmic values of trigoniometrical functions in the Magnus Canon are necessary additions to the TR in their use for astronomical calculations, as is illustrated by their recommendation by Kepler and Bartsch, the reissue of the Manuales as late as 1700 and the presence of the Canon in the library of Von Zach (*1754). This makes the TR themselves less interesting within a calculus-oriented collecting scope.

Catalog

For Manuales see 33615 and for the Ursinus’ Magnus Canon 23462.


Beschrijving: 23462 exterior

 

[023462]

Ursinus, Benjamin. TRIGONOMETRIA CUM MAGNO LOGARITHMOR. CANONE. Colonia: Georg Runge for Martin Gutt, 1625. First Edition. COLLATION 4to [193*155 mm]. The 2nd part (the Canon) with a seperate titlepage: Benjamin Ursinus, MAGNUS CANON TRIANGULORUM LOGARITHMICUS, Colonia, Georg Runge for Martin Gutt, 1624. (4), 272, (454) pp. The 1st. unnumbered page is the engraved title marked: Petrus Rollos fecit, the title being on a swinging door in perspective, also described by Henderson, most likely using the Oxford copy. Also the typo he describes (Guttij tipys) can be found on this page. The swinging door is earlier seen on Salomon de Caus, Les raisons des forces mouvantes, Frankfurt, Norton, 1615 (offered by Interlibrum 253/36). The last leave has errata and a colophon dated 1624 on the verso. The 2nd title with blank verso, thus 225 leaves remaining for the tables (5 leaves per degree). All quires in 4, last in 3. Leave 2 and 3 are 1 sheet however, folded at spine. Most descriptions give 227 leaves for the Canon, Macdonald (p. 158) however mentions a blank leave Lll4, which he possibly noted in one of the UK copies. Signatures:):(4 A-Z4 Aa-LL A-Z Aa-Zz Aaa-LLL

 

Beschrijving: 23462 new title

 

CONDITION

Contemporary overlapping orange (rare in that colour!) vellum (in quite good condition, taking into account the age). In the past ages the vellum was protected from the hands of computers by plain paper wrappers, pasted under the endpapers. Those are now expertly removed. The wrappers are still available in a seperate envelope, and could easily be reinstalled to a future owners taste. Edges stained green. Some wear at corners and spine. Pages mildly browned, as often on books from the 30 Year War period (1618-1648). Contemporary handwritten expert notes , partly in red. The handwriting of those notes is quite like that of Bode's name on title. PROVENANCE Johann Justus Bode, 1719 and "Albrecht", neatly inscibed in the margin of the title. V. Zach, small stamp on dedication page. JJ Bode (1676-1719) was born in Bodenburg. He developed a sundial for travelers. The astronomer Franz Xaver von Zach (Pest 1754) built and supervised the Seefeld observatory for Herzog Ernst II von Sachsen-Gotha- Altenburg in 1788. In the time it was the most modern observatory in Europe, Lalande made a vist in 1798 (Brosche p. 88) and Gauss in 1803. After the death of Ernst II in 1804, Zach was quite involved in assisting his widow. In 1806 he renounced his position with the observatory to accompany her on her travels thru Europe. 1800-1813 he edited the MONATLICHE KORRESPONDENZ ZUR BEFORDERUNG DER ERD- UND HIMMELKUNDE, one of the first scientific journals. Zach died in 1832 in Paris. Zach is not too well known nowedays. However: "The history of astronomy and exact geo-sciences of the Goethe era cannot be written, when Zach is ignored." (Peter Brosche, Der Astronom der Herzogin, Leben und Werk von F X von Zach, Frankfurt am Main, 2001, the last sentence of the introduction). Brosche argues, that nevertheless Zach's role as a catalyst and scientific manager is not easily seen by a lay public focussed to the end products of the scientific process only. Brosche (p. 256) mentions 41 crates of books shipped by von Zach when moving from Genua to Frankfurt in 1827. Other books from this provenance are Napier (1614) and Kepler (1619) in the Milestones of Science Collection, Sparrow 149 and 115 and the Jena2 copy of Copernicus, De Revolutionibus (1543), see Gingerich, Census 2002 p. 73. The last copy is a Christmas 1793 gift of Ernst II to Von Zach, see insciption 2 in the Gingerich description. On the lower pastedown endpaper are the names of 6 monks of the Ordine Trinitat Andrea, dated 1678.

 

CONTENTS

A copy of the most extensive table of Napierian logarithms existing. In those log e (2.302585...) is 1 and not log 10 as in decimal logs used universely since 1628 (the first Vlacq tables). Napier's table (1614) was to minutes in 7 decimals, extended by Ursinus to 10'' in 8 decimals, also giving 1st differences. The tables have the following main columns: natural sines, log sines, log tangens, log cosines and cosines, each with a D(ifference) column behind it. As sin x=cos(90-x) the table runs to 44.59' 50", higher values for sin being found in the corresponding cosin column and vice versa. For easy reference those higher values are indicated at the bottom of the page, as usual ever since. For some arcs often used even more exact values are calculated (16 decimals, see p. 139 ff. in the text). Napier's table essentially consists of interpolations of the "Radical Table " developed by him (see Constructio 47). In this table the sines develop geometrically with a factor 9995/10000 and the corresponding logarithms develop arithmetically by the equal interval 5001.25. However in this progression a calculating error was made, resulting in logsin 30 ending 69, were Ursinus gives 718, a difference of 28 (note that Ursinus gives 1 more decimal than Napier). My pocket Casio calculator agrees with Ursinus. This error in Napier was first noted by Edward Sang in 1865, Ursinus does not refer to it. It can be concluded, that the Ursinus table is based on new calculations, and not just on interpolation of the Napier table.

 

OTHER MATTERS

Colonia is Kolln a d Spree nowedays part of Berlin. The different dating of Trigonometria and Canon suggest a Sammelband of 2 seperate issues, also the quires are lettered seperately. KvK mentions 1 separate table (Dusseldorf) and 3 books as described here (Cologne, Munster and Regensburg), actual copies possibly being not all as complete as our copy. COPAC has 3 complete copies (Oxford, BL and UCL), the collation of Oxford exactly agrees with ours. NCC has 1 complete copy (Groningen), with (autopsy 2/12/03) agrees with our collation plus the leave Lll4 found by Macdonald in some UK copies. In conclusion, the works are most likely issued together, an individual copy occurring occasionally, as with the Vlacq tables. Henderson 8.0, Fletcher p. 439 and 179, Dodson III, Macdonald 157 (including a very detailed collation, in agreement with the present copy except for a last blank leave Lll4). Macdonald (1889) also mentions copies in Edinburgh and BNF, which cannot be traced nowadays (2003). Not in Honeyman (never found a copy?)   Quite rare and not often seen in trade. 

OCLC adds 3 copies in the US (US Naval Obs., Clark and Un. Michigan). Leave Lll4 not in standard OCLC description, in which also collation of signatures (identical to our copy).

 

EVALUATION

Fletcher remarks on those tables (p. 179):" It may be noticed that the 8-decimal Napierian canon of Ursinus 1624 has never been equalled subsequently." 

 

Further Eisenschmid (the editor of the 1700 edition of Kepler's Tabulae Manuales, see our book 33615, and thus a much more contemporary expert than the present bibliographer) states, that Bartsch (Keplers son in law and collaborator) used the Ursinus table, omitting the last 3 figures. Indeed the Tabulae Manuales are in 5 decimals. As those Tabulae Manuales are an extract of logarithms from the Tabulae Rudolphinae (1627, which use those logs for astronomical calculations),  those  famous Kepler tables are thus (according to Eisenschmid) based on Ursinus' logarithms!

In this connection it also should be mentioned, that the cos-table in Kepler (1627) has an 10" interval, which only can come from Ursinus, Napier having a 60" (=minute) interval.

Further Ursinus owned a copy of the 1627 Kepler tables (the Honeyman #1800 copy. Owen Gingerich states that it was acquired by the Adler Planetarium in Chicago) warmly inscribed to him, Kepler calling him and Tycho Brahe "the scientific fathers of those tables" (my free translation of the Latin text). As Brahe (died 1601) contributed much to the underlying astronomical observations, for Ursinus this remark must refer to his log tables.

Those observations support the statement of Eisenschmid concerning the Ursinus source of the Kepler tables.

€ 7.200,00

 

Beschrijving: 23462 Zach

 

[033615]

Kepler, Johannes and Jakob Bartsch. TABULAE MANUALES LOGARITHMICAE. Strassbourg: Theodor Ierse, 1700. 40, (276) pp. a4-e4, A4-LL4, MM2. 160*95 mm., however bound in fours. Introduction and 5 tables after seperate subtitles. 19th century marbled boards with handwritten title on label on spine. 1cm of blank missing at foot of title. The quite elaborate subtitle is: ad calculum astronomicum, in specie Tabb. Rudolphinarum compendiose tractandum mire utiles. Ob defectum prioris editionis Saganensis multum hactenus desideratae. Quibus accessit in hac editione introductio nova curante Joh. Casp. Eisenschmid. Kepler's Tabulae Rudolphinarum (folio, Ulm, 1627) were astronomic tables, in which the tables of logarithms used for its calculation were also published. The present tables are in a more practical format (manuales), extracted from them in 1631 by Bartsch (Keplers son in law). However the edition (Sagan, 1631) misfired, Bartsch dying short after its publication, and only 2 incomplete copies (Koenigsberg and Bonn) are known (see also Caspar 85). In 1700 Eisenschmid (a Strassbourg professor, died in 1716) republished the Bartsch edited tables and added a new 9-page Praefatio. An important copy of the first generation of logarithms (as we would say in present day based on the natural number e) dominated by Napier in the UK and Kepler and Ursinus on the continent. The last 2 also worked together (see Honeyman 1800, Ursinus copy of the Tabulae of 1627). In 1628 the first complete version of Briggsian logarithms (based on 10) was published by Vlacq, and those were used until electronic calculators made logarithms obsolete around 1978. Henderson 10.1 (see appendix p. 207. Henderson states 12.1, which must be incorrect as 10 are the 1627 Tabulae). 4 copies in COPAC, 2 in NCC (Leiden and Utrecht). Weil 27/124. Second and only procurable edition. Comparing the tables involved shows interesting results. Napier (1614) is 1 table showing log sin and log cosin with log tgn as differential of the first 2 in between at a 1' interval. The range is from 0-45 degrees. 7 decimals are shown. Ursinus (1624) has the same format and range with a 10" interval however, showing 8 decimals. In Kepler (1627) the data are shown in 3 seperate tables. Log sin at the same range and interval as Napier, decimals being reduced however from 7 to 5. The same goes for log tgn, however the range ends at 10 degrees. Log cosin is surprising: a 10" interval at the 0-1 degree 40' range. Kepler rounding to 5 decimals, the source of the first 2 tables cannot be determined, as the characteristic differences between Napier and Ursinus show only in higher decimals. The interval of the third table only can come from Ursinus. The interval and range of the present 1700 tables is increased considerably, largely to the Ursinus level. However the third table has a 2" interval, that Bartsch must have interpolated himself (Ursinus having a 10" interval). This 2" constitutes the smallest interval of any Napierian table known. Also Ursinus assisted Kepler from 1610 to 1614, and the Honeyman #1800 copy (a Kepler 1627 table warmly dedicated to Ursinus) shows they were still in contact that year. Therefore Kepler must have had a copy of Ursinus (1624) well before the publishing of his 1627 tables. In the above dedication further Kepler mentions Tycho Brahe and Ursinus as the scientific fathers of his 1627 tables. This altogether proves that the third table in Kepler (1627) can only come from Ursinus, and that Kepler himself was of the opinion, that Ursinus considerably contributed to it.  € 10.500,00

 

Beschrijving: 33615 subtitle